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Added by: Veronica CibotaruAbstract:
This paper puts forth a functionalist difficulty for Sally Haslanger’s proposal for engineering our concept of ‘woman.’ It is argued that the project of bringing about better political function fulfillment cannot get off the ground in virtue of epistemic failure.
Comment: This is a useful resource for students who wish to engage more deeply with Haslanger's proposal to engineer our concept of 'woman' and explore a critical perspective. At the same time, the text remains accessible to students who are less familiar with Haslanger's theory.
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Added by: Ravi ThakralAbstract:
This paper begins with the idea that there are sometimes gaps in our shared linguistic/conceptual resources that make it difficult for us to understand our own social experiences, and to make them intelligible to others. In this paper, I focus on three cases of this sort, some of which are drawn from the literature on hermeneutical injustice. I offer a diagnosis of what the gaps in these cases consist in, and what it takes to fill them. I argue that these gaps are filled in, at least initially, by labels of a particular kind. Specifically, these are labels that allow us to see the experiences in question as novel instances of phenomena with which we are already normatively familiar. Further, I also show that these labels bring with them important downsides: they introduce distortions into our understandings of these experiences. Using a pair of case studies (‘statutory rape,’ ‘sexual harassment’), I illustrate these distortions.
Comment: Ishani Maitra's paper on missing labels to describe injustices is a good text to assign alongside Miranda Fricker on hermeneutical injustice. It discusses central cases of such injustice in a detailed, accessible way (along with various other relevant ones) while discussing the significance (and complications) of missing labels for injustices more generally.
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Added by: Ravi ThakralAbstract:
Is it harmful to make generic claims about social groups? Those who say yes cite
the reinforcement of oppressive stereotypes and cognitive bias. Those who say no
cite the potential of generics to do good, rather than harm, by taking advantage of
the same mechanisms that perpetuate the harms. This paper analyzes generic utterances in the context of social justice efforts to weigh in on the debate about whether
and how generic utterances contribute to stereotypes and oppression. We need to
first pay more attention to what it means to utter generics in social justice contexts.
Doing so will allow us to distinguish those generic utterances that are helpful for
social justice projects from those that might impede their progress. I argue that there
is an important pragmatic sense in which generics can be undermined: especially
generics used in service of social justice claims. I then offer an epistemic thesis for
why some generics are more susceptible to being undermined by counter-examples
than others. I conclude that if we are interested in using generics in the service of
social justice, then there is reason to restrict the contexts in which we utter generics. In doing so, I challenge the conventional wisdom that generics are resistant to
counterexamples.Comment: Samia Hesni adds further pressure against skepticism of using generics to talk about social groups. She provides helpful discussion of the role of language in social justice contexts, with good engagement with other authors working on the language of social justice. It is highly suitable alongside these authors in a philosophy of language course highlighting the importance of social categorization and its consequences.
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Added by: Douglas GilesAbstract:
Original accounts of feminist standpoint theory emphasize its fundamentally critical stance toward situated knowledge (Smith 1974; Hartsock 1983; Collins 1986). The function of a critical standpoint is not to carelessly accept the beliefs of marginalized people, but instead to interpret those beliefs in light of thoroughgoing and pervasive ideological distortions. Some formulations of standpoint theory capture this critical function in the achievement thesis. It claims that a standpoint is not obtained automatically but must be achieved through a struggle against a dominant ideology. Contrary to the standard acceptance of the achievement thesis, Bright has recently argued that the requirement of achievement can warrant the dogmatic exclusion of some perspectives from becoming standpoints. In turn, he advances an account of standpoint theory which abandons the achievement thesis. Against Bright’s non-achievement account of standpoint theory, I argue that doing away with the achievement thesis abandons standpoint theory’s original aim of being critical of the social structures which construct and legitimize situated knowledge. Further, I argue that Bright’s concern with the possible dogmatism of the achievement thesis is better addressed by a commitment to the classic account of standpoint theory rather than a revision of it.Comment: Milanovich defends the achievement thesis within feminist standpoint theory against Bright's criticism by distinguishing the difference between a social location and a standpoint. This paper is useful in delving into the political and intellectual struggles of people in marginalized groups against a dominant ideology.
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, Contributed by: Henry KrahnAbstract:
Avia Pasternak offers a moral assessment of political rioting, focusing on cases like the riots over the police killing of Freddie Gray in Baltimore in 2015 and the 2005 French Banlieu riots. As she notes, there are two common responses to such cases: that rioters are just the same as common criminals, or that rioters are morally worse than common criminals. In response, Pasternak develops an analysis of political rioting as a form of "spontaneous, disorganized, public collective violence in order to protest against and to defy [the] political order" (2). In her view, political rioting ought to be understood as a form of defensive harm--harm inflicted in order to avert an attack, as in justified cases of self-defence or just wars. Those who engage in political rioting, Pasternak argues, "do so in order to bring an end, or at least to ameliorate their on-going unjust treatment at the hands of their state. It follows then that in determining the appropriate moral response to rioters, we ought to examine their actions in light of the various constraints offered by just war theorists" (3). Pasternak focuses on three such constraints: necessity, success, and proportionality. And she argues that, objections to the contrary notwithstanding, "under circumstances that are not far from those we find in some real-world democracies, the resort to political rioting can comply with the criteria of permissible defensive harm" (4).Comment: This paper offers a thorough and careful discussion of political rioting that is deeply informed by real-life cases, which it discusses in detail. This paper would be a great starting place for a class discussion over what people are entitled to do in situations of entrenched injustice, or over the limits of morally acceptable protest. The paper's analysis builds on the just war literature, so the paper could also be used in a class on the ethics of war to discuss how principles from that literature apply to domestic politics.
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Added by: Clotilde Torregrossa, Contributed by: Benedict EastaughAbstract:
Aristotle is generally credited with the invention of logic. More than two thousand years ago, he noticed that good, persuasive arguments have certain kinds of shapes, or structures. Logic was born when he began to study those structures, which he called syllogisms, identifying underlying patterns of ordinary human reasoning and then devising simple methods which can be used to determine whether someone is reasoning correctly. Aristotle was aware that this was a momentous discovery, and he himself thought that all scientific reasoning could be reduced to syllogistic arguments. There are hints that Aristotle saw his syllogistic logic as providing useful practice for participants in ancient debating contests, contests which he himself would have encountered as a student in Plato’s Academy. There are also hints that Aristotle might have envisioned his syllogistic logic as providing a way to catalogue facts about science. But Aristotle never fleshes out any such details. His Prior Analytics, the text in which he presents his syllogistic, focuses on the mechanics of the syllogistic far more than on its interpretation, and in fact the comparative lack of interpretive detail has sometimes led scholars to suppose that what we have today of Aristotle’s logic is his own sometimes scrappy lecture notes or his students’ notes, and not a polished, finished work. But in the end these are of course only guesses. In modern times, the main scholarly interest in Aristotle’s ancient logic has focused increasingly on the proper interpretation of the mechanical methods which Aristotle invented and on their relation to his wider philosophy.Comment: This chapter can be used as a first introduction to Aristotle's logic. It could be set in a course on history of logic, for example by pointing to the limits of Aristotle's system in order to set up later developments (e.g. Frege). It could also be used in an introductory logic course, with students set exercises such as working out whether syllogisms represent valid derivations in classical first-order logic.
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Added by: Petronella RandellAbstract:
Dementia patients in the moderate-late stage of the disease can, and often do, express different preferences than they did at the onset of their condition. The received view in the philosophical literature argues that advance directives which prioritize the patient’s preferences at onset ought to be given decisive moral weight in medical decision-making. Clinical practice, on the other hand, favors giving moral weight to the preferences expressed by dementia patients after onset. The purpose of this article is to show that the received view in the philosophical literature is inadequate and is out of touch with real clinical practice. I argue that having dementia is a cognitive transformative experience and that preference changes which result from this are legitimate and ought to be given moral weight in medical decision-making. This argument ought to encourage us to reduce our confidence in the moral weight of advance directives for dementia patients.
Comment: This paper raises questions relevant to preference change, memory, advance directives, cognitive decline and transformative experience. It could be used in ethics, bioethics, rationality, or epistemology modules. It provides an accessible overview of the aforementioned issues and so would be well suited as a further reading.
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Added by: Veronica CibotaruAbstract:
The paper is concerned with the development of the paradoxical theme of Daoism. Based on Chad Hansen's interpretation of Daoism and Chinese philosophy in general, it traces the history of Daoism by following their treatment of the limit of language. The Daoists seem to have noticed that there is a limit to what language can do and that the limit of language is paradoxical. The 'theoretical' treatment of the paradox of the limit of language matures as Daoism develops. Yet the Daoists seem to have noticed that the limit of language and its paradoxical nature cannot be overcome. At the end, we are left with the paradoxes of the Daoists. In this paper, we jump into the abyss of the Daoists' paradoxes from which there is no escape. But the Daoists' paradoxes are fun!
Comment: This is a good introduction to the Daoist philosophy of language and offers new insights into the question of the limits of language, a concept also explored in Western philosophy.
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Added by: Tammo Lossau, Contributed by: Tammo LossauPublisher’s Note:
Figures from Eastern Philosophy in general and Nāgārjuna in particular are often labeled as engaging in mysticism. In this lecture, Matilal argues that if we want to use this label, we must at least admit that this mysticism is illuminated by rigorous logical argument.Comment: In a class that discusses Nāgārjuna, this text helps both with the interpretation of the text itself as well as to engage with the pitfalls of a Western perception of the text, including our inclination to view Eastern texts as "exotic" and not fully philosophical.
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, Contributed by: Henry KrahnAbstract:
Must a person protest his wrongs? Booker T. Washington and W.E.B. Dubois debated this question at the turn of the century. They did not disagree over whether protesting injustice was an effective way to right it, but over whether protesting injustice, when one could do nothing to right it oneself, was self-respecting. Washington felt that it was not. Thus, he did not deny that protest could help ameliorate conditions or that it was sometimes justified; what he did deny was that a person should keep protesting wrongs committed against him when he could not take decisive steps to end them. By insisting on "advertising his wrongs" in such cases, he argued, a person betrayed a weakness for relying, not on his "own efforts" but on the "sympathy" of others. Washington's position was that if a person felt wronged, he should do something about it; if he could do nothing he should hold his tongue and wait his opportunity; protest in such cases is only a servile appeal for sympathy; stoicism, by implication, is better. Dubois strongly contested these views. Not only did he deny that protest is an appeal for sympathy, he maintained that if a person failed to express openly his outrage at injustice, however assiduously he worked against it, he would in the long run lose his self-respect. Thus, he asserted that Washington faced a "paradox" by insisting both on "self-respect" and on "a silent submission to civic inferiority," and he declared that "only in a . . . persistent demand for essential equality . . . can any people show . . . a decent self-respect." Like Frederick Douglass, he concluded that people should protest their wrongs. In this essay I shall expand upon and defend Dubois' side of the debate. I shall argue that persons have reason to protest their wrongs not only to stop injustice but also to show self-respect and to know themselves as self-respecting.Comment: Boxill characterizes the debate between Booker T. Washington and W. E. B. Dubois over protest and offers an original intervention: the self-respecting person has reason to protest in order to know that they have self-respect. This paper could be valuable as part of an advanced political philosophy syllabus on protest or as part of a syllabus on Africana philosophy.